Crime confronts individuals and society with the danger of injury, death, and loss of possessions. Crimes constitute part of life's risks often not easily controlled by the victims. Therefore, strong legal sanctions have been developed to discourage criminal activity. Unfortunately, cultural and socioeconomic factors supportive of criminal activity influence significant numbers of youth and young adults who engage in violence, property offenses, and other violations of acceptable conduct.
Since 1973, data from the FBI's Uniform Crime Reports have recorded serious violent and non-violent crimes as "index" offenses. In South Carolina, violent index crimes of murder, rape, robbery, and aggravated assault increased 157% overall or 98% per capita between 1975 and 1997 (see Appendix A). Non-violent index crimes of breaking and entering, larceny, and motor vehicle theft increased in number by 72% or 32% per capita between 1975 and 1997. In 1997, there were 36,958 violent index crimes and 192,101 non-violent index crimes. There were also 182,439 arrests for non-index crimes, primarily for bad checks, drugs, simple assault, liquor law violations, disorderly conduct, DUI, drunkenness, fraud, vandalism, and weapons violations.
S.C. Crime and Incarceration in 1998
| Ranking | Percentage of U.S. Average | Rate Per 100,000 people |
|
|---|---|---|---|
| Incarceration | 5 | 124% | 553 |
| Violent Crime | 3 | 157% | 997 |
| Murder and Non-Negligent Manslaughter | 11 | 122% | 9 |
| Robbery | 15 | 85% | 172 |
| Aggravated Assault | 2 | 198% | 767 |
| Forcible Rape | 9 | 136% | 49 |
Sources: Incarceration data-S.C. Department of Corrections. Crime Data-U.S. Bureau of Justice Statistics, Sourcebook of Criminal Justice Statistics, 1997.
South Carolina ranks very high nationally in the rate of violent crime, 3rd among the 50 states, at a rate 57% above the national average. Although the rate of robbery is below the national average by 15%, South Carolina's high overall crime ranking is caused primarily by aggravated assault which is double the national average and constitutes 76% of all violent crime.
Crime confronts individuals and society with a variety of serious problems, but it is violence that makes crime such a critical concern. People can replace money and property but not crippled health or loss of life. The rates of death and life-threatening injury in the United States are four to eighteen times as great as in other developed countries. Most developed countries have crime rates for non-lethal offenses equivalent to those of the United States. Non-violent crime in S.C. is near the average for the nation and the world. Serious violence, however, harmed nearly 37,000 victims in South Carolina during 1997. These included 316 persons murdered, 1,835 raped, 6,455 robbed, and 28,352 victims of aggravated assault. Since S.C. ranks 11th for murder, 22% above the U.S. average, and 2nd for aggravated assault, double the national average, the rate of violence in our state ranks among the highest in the world.
Crime leaves behind tens of thousands of victims in South Carolina each year. During 1997 alone, 38,134 victims of violent index crimes were identified. Fifty-four percent were African-American, almost double their share of the state's population. Children and youth under 16 were 12% of victims and adults age 45 and older were 13%, but 54% of all victims were young adults ages 17-34.
Except in robberies, victims usually know their offenders, who are typically family members or acquaintances. Seventy-two percent of robberies are carried out by strangers, while only 16-21% of murders, rapes, or aggravated assaults are committed by strangers. Over half of murders, rapes, and aggravated assaults are committed by non-family acquaintances, including boyfriends or girlfriends.
Age of Victims of Violent Index Crimes in S.C. during 1997

Source: Crime in South Carolina, 1997.
Much crime remains unreported, and many criminals remain unarrested and unconvicted. One national expert, Delbert Elliott, has estimated that only two persons are arrested per 100 serious violent offenses: 3 per 100 males and 1 per 100 females. Elliott estimated that only 3 males were arrested per 100 rapes or aggravated assaults and only 2 per 100 robberies. Even in offenses where a weapon or serious injury was involved, only 9 per 100 robberies and 4 per 100 aggravated assaults resulted in arrests. Uniform Crime Reports for South Carolina present a more reassuring picture, with 49% of violent index crimes and 18% of non-violent index crimes being cleared through location of the criminal and gathering enough evidence to charge the offender with the crime.
1997 Cases Cleared
| Total Violent Index | 49% |
|---|---|
| Rape | 59% |
| Robbery | 38% |
| Aggr. Assault | 51% |
| Total Non-Violent Index | 18% |
| Breaking & Entering> | 15% |
| Larceny> | 19% |
| Motor Vehicle Theft | 16% |
| Total Index Crimes | 23% |
Source: SLED Crime in S.C., 1997
The S.C. data may actually be comparable to the national survey findings. Since fewer than one-quarter of reported S.C. index crimes are cleared, then the true percentage of crimes that result in arrest is 12% if half of all crimes are not reported or 6% if only one-quarter are reported.
While there is an overwhelming amount of data regarding arrests and convictions, there is generally little or no data on actual criminal behavior in South Carolina. Fortunately, a 1995 survey by the Department of Alcohol and Other Drug Abuse Services (DAODAS) collected some very useful data regarding criminality among 8th, 10th, and 12th grade students.
Criminality among Students in Grades 8, 10, and 12
| WM | WF | AA&OM | AA&OF | Total | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Attacked someone with intent to hurt the person (last year) | 21% | 10% | 25% | 15% | 17% |
| Sold illegal drugs | 11% | 4% | 18% | 3% | 9% |
| Stole or tried to steal car (last year) | 5% | 1% | 7% | 2% | 4% |
| Carried handgun (last year) | 16% | 3% | 20% | 3% | 10% |
| Carried gun to school (last year) | 5% | 1% | 2% | 1% | 4% |
| Thinks it is not wrong to steal $5 or more | 20% | 13% | 23% | 10% | 16% |
| Arrested (last year) | 10% | 3% | 10% | 3% | 6% |
| Suspended from school (last year) | 22% | 8% | 29% | 19% | 19% |
Source: 1995 S.C. Department of Alcohol and Other Drug Abuse Services Survey
The powerful influence of friends and community is emphasized by the survey data, with males, and especially African-American males, saying they had been exposed to criminal influences in proportion equal to their own higher rates of illegal behavior.
Criminality among Friends and Acquaintances
| WM | WF | AA&OM | AA&OF | Total | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Know adults who have done illegal things | 35% | 29% | 59% | 60% | 44% |
| Close friends arrested (last year) | 22% | 16% | 30% | 17% | 21% |
| Friends tried to steal a car (last year) | 10% | 7% | 19 | 8% | 11 |
| Close friends sell illegal drugs | 23% | 17% | 36% | 19% | 23% |
| Friends carried handgun (last year) | 20% | 9% | 33% | 12% | 18% |
| Peers would see me as cool with handgun | 19% | 9% | 29% | 16% | 17% |
Source: 1995 Department of Alcohol and Other Drug Abuse Services Survey
Crime tends to be an activity primarily of youth and young adults. Of the persons arrested for index crimes, young adults ages 17-34 constituted 61% of violent crimes and 53% of non-violent crimes. Of persons arrested, those age 34 or younger constitute 81% of murders, 68% of rapes, 88% of robberies, 66% of aggravated assaults, 86% of breaking and entering, 75% of larceny, and 89% of motor vehicle theft (see also Appendix B.).
Criminal activity starts young. The National Youth Survey (NYS) learned from a representative longitudinal sample of American youth and young adults that most teens at some time commit one or more crimes. The NYS reports annual prevalence of criminality, i.e., the percentage of the age group committing various crimes. Among male youth ages 14–20, the highest prevalence rates in a year were: 27% hitting a student, 11% damaging family property, 9% damaging school property, 16% damaging other property, 15% selling marijuana, and 10% carrying a hidden weapon. For ages 21 to 27, the highest annual prevalence rates among males were 14% hitting someone, 12% carrying hidden weapons, 10% stealing from an employer, 9% selling marijuana, 6% committing aggravated assault, and 1% breaking into a building or a vehicle. By ages 27–33, prevalence among males had fallen to 6% selling marijuana, 5% stealing from an employer, 2% committing aggravated assault, and 2% stealing over $50.
Not only does the overall prevalence of criminality decline dramatically with age, but also the NYS annual reports indicate that relatively few young adults are involved in serious crimes. Although it is possible that the serious crimes are under-reported in self-report surveys, the higher rates in S.C. for rape and aggravated assault produce estimates of criminality closer to expectations. For example, based on NYS estimates for aggravated assault, the S.C. prevalence among 21–27 year old males would approach 11%, since aggravated assault arrests in S.C. are almost double the U.S. average.
National studies have found that while the prevalence of criminality decreases with age, the average number of offenses per active criminal remains relatively constant. Moreover, the seriousness of the crimes increases substantially with the age of the offender, so that the fewer remaining offenders in their late 20s or in their 30s are committing quite serious offenses.
Crime in S.C. is disproportionately a male activity. Females constitute only 18% of arrests for violent index crimes, 25% of non-violent index crimes, and 25% of non-index crimes, each of which is half or less their share of the population. Though biological factors may explain some male aggression and violent crime, the higher rate of male offending is explained primarily by cultural and social factors that influence men toward criminal values or, more likely, that do not socialize them adequately regarding concern for and commitment to other people.
Gender and Race Distribution in the Criminal Justice System in 1998*
| WM | WF | AA&OM | AA&OF | Total | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Arrests: Violent Index | 30% | 6% | 52% | 12% | 100% |
| Arrests: Non Violent Index | 33% | 11% | 42% | 14% | 100% |
| Arrests: Non Index | 38% | 13% | 37% | 12% | 100% |
| Convictions: Violent** | 32% | 3% | 59% | 6% | 100% |
| Convictions: Non Violent** | 35% | 8% | 50% | 7% | 100% |
| Probation: Violent** | 40% | 4% | 49% | 6% | 100% |
| Probation: Non Violent** | 37% | 8% | 46% | 9% | 100% |
| State Prison Admissions: Violent Index | 26% | 2% | 68% | 4% | 100% |
| State Prison Admissions: Non Violent Index | 36% | 3% | 57% | 5% | 100% |
| State Prison Admissions: Non Index | 23% | 5% | 64% | 8% | 100% |
*SLED data is 1997.
**Violent and Non-Violent as defined by section 16-1-60 of the SC Code of Laws
Source: SLED, S.C. Court Administration, S.C .Department of Probation, Parole and Pardon, and S.C. Department of Corrections.
African-Americans constitute only 30% of the South Carolina population but 50% of persons arrested, 55% of those on probation, and 70% of persons incarcerated. Among arrests, they constitute 63% of persons arrested for violent index crimes, 56% for non-violent index crimes, and 49% for non-index crimes. They are less likely to be placed on probation and more likely to be incarcerated. For example, African-Americans represent 64% of arrests for violent index crimes, 55% of persons on probation for violent crimes, but 72% of inmates incarcerated for violent index crimes. African-Americans are also disproportionately the victims of crimes; 55% of murders, 45% of rapes, 42% of robberies, and 58% of aggravated assaults are committed against African-Americans.
Observers of criminal behavior have noted that criminals usually do not specialize in particular crimes. This is not uniformly true since some offenders carry out large numbers of specific offenses such as rape or housebreaking or auto theft. However, it has been documented that the most active criminal offenders engage in diverse types of crimes. Furthermore, many criminals also violate a wide variety of social norms in ways that may or may not be illegal. One longitudinal study found that:
60% of the most antisocial quarter of males at age 18 were still in the most antisocial quarter 14 years later at age 32. Bearing in mind the very great environmental changes between ages 18 and 32, as the males left their parental homes, went through a period of unstable living arrangements, and eventually settled down in marital homes, this consistency over time seems likely to reflect consistency in the individual's personality rather than consistency in the environment...About half of any sample of antisocial children persist to become antisocial teenagers...About half of any sample of antisocial teenagers persist to become antisocial adults...
...There is also specific continuity in aggression and violence from the teenage to the adult years...aggression at ages 16 to 18 was the best predictor of fighting at age 32...Spouse assault at age 32 was significantly predicted by teacher-rated aggression at ages 12 to 14, and by the antisocial personality measures at ages 14 and 18, but not (surprisingly) by aggression at age 18...Bullying at 32 was specifically predicted by bullying at 14 and 18 independently of the continuity between aggression at 32...Furthermore, a male's bullying at 14 and 18 predicted bullying by his child when he was 32, showing that there was intergenerational continuing continuity in bullying.
(Farrington, "The Explanation and Prevention of Youthful Offending." pp. 73-80)
Most youthful offenders stop engaging in crime during their 20s, but some continue committing crimes even when they become mature. It is these persistent criminals who tend to increase the severity of their crimes. They constitute a high percentage of violent and other serious crimes. Various surveys have found that a small subgroup of offenders commits the majority of crimes. Some estimates are that 5% of males are responsible for half of all convictions, and 14-15% of youth commit 75-82% of all violent offenses by youth. In one of these studies, it was estimated that "chronic offenders" accounted for 74% of all arrests and 82% of index arrests, even though they represented only 15% of the youth and young adult population and 32% of official offenders. It should be noted that the career criminals or chronic offenders may be only 5% to 15% of the overall population, but they are one-third of official offenders in the criminal justice system and an even higher percentage of prison inmates.
Many cultural and socio-economic factors contribute to criminality. According to researcher David Farrington:
There is no shortage of factors that are significantly correlated with offending and antisocial behavior...Some of the most important risk factors for offending and antisocial behavior [would include] prenatal and perinatal factors such as low birth weight, individual difference factors such as high impulsivity and low intelligence, family influences such as poor child rearing and antisocial parents, socioeconomic deprivation, peer influences such as social disorganization, and situational factors. These factors often have additive, interactive, or sequential effects.
(Farrington, "The Explanation and Prevention of Youthful Offending." pp. 80-81)
Most criminals are poorly educated. For example, the average educational attainment of inmates at admission to the S.C. Department of Corrections is 10th grade, but their average reading level is between 7th and 8th grades.
At the time of their incarceration, 31% of 18-29 year old inmates in S.C. were not working, and an additional 22% had worked less than half the months of the prior year. Sixty percent had earned less than $200 per week in their last job. Their primary occupations were general laborer and construction worker, followed by a variety of other jobs such as cooks and food service personnel, mechanics, and manufacturing workers. Ninety-two percent had drug and alcohol abuse problems at some time in the past. Twenty-one percent said they were under the influence of alcohol and 24% by drugs at the time they committed their crimes; 9% sold drugs; 5% committed crimes to get drugs; and 15% were in possession of drugs at the time of their arrest. The majority of inmates were parents; 60% had children, but only 24% were married or common-law married. One third of inmates had family members who had been incarcerated.
The DAODAS survey highlights differences in values among youth in South Carolina regarding adherence to law and to responsible behavior. Community and peer norms play a critical role in promoting criminality. Many youth engage in low severity offenses such as shoplifting, property damage, truancy, and minor assault; however, most of these youth desist in their offending during young adulthood. The major causes of desistance from crime were the positive responsibilities and roles of adulthood.
The major turning points in the life course for the men who refrained from crime and deviance in adulthood were good marriages and stable employment.
Marriage: Cases in which marriage and family were identified as important factors in explaining desistance from crime in adulthood displayed a similar set of patterns. Couples appeared devoted to each other and to their children. Indeed, life seemed to be centered around the home, spouse, and children...
These subjects invested in marital relationships, and often their investment was reciprocated by their wives, both emotionally and financially. If the couple had children and displayed strong bonds to them, this usually added another dimension of social capital in the marital relationship. As a result of this establishment of social capital, these subjects were more likely to desist from crime and deviance.
(Sampson and Laub, 1993, p. 219)
Sampson and Laub provide critical verification of the importance of not only strong family ties, but also positive work attachments as protective factors in the lives of grown men. Their case studies reveal the protective assets of positive family, education, and employment factors as "social capital" leading men otherwise at risk away from crime and social deviance.
Employment: Several common themes were revealed when we examined the work histories of the men who desisted from crime and deviance in adulthood. On the whole, these men had good work habits and were frequently described as 'hard workers,' They often worked for the same employer for long periods of time (for example, 7 to 12 years), denoting strong ties to work and investment in specific employers. As a group, they wanted to do better in life. They thought about the future and wanted to 'get ahead' as well as maintain 'job security.' Some of the men worked at part-time jobs as well as full-time jobs to make ends meet, while others became involved in home repairs and remodeling. Some also took advantage of the G.I. Bill, taking special courses or enrolling in job training programs, while others did not. In our theoretical framework, taking courses or additional job training, thinking about future plans, and staying with a particular employer for an extended period are all indicators of social capital or social investment in work. As social capital increases, bonds to work grow stronger and desistance from crime and deviance is more likely.
South Carolina is one of the leading states in incarceration of criminal offenders. In 1998, the S.C. incarceration rate was the 5th highest nationally, 24% above the U.S. average. In FY98, 5,780 young adults ages 18-29 were incarcerated in S.C. Interestingly, only 46% were incarcerated for the more serious index crimes, including 1,198 for violent index crimes and 1,438 for non-violent index crimes, but 3,144, or 54% of persons 18–29 were incarcerated for non-index offenses. Of the inmates ages 18–29 committed during FY98, 26% had no prior convictions, 17% had one, and 57% had multiple prior offenses. Only 24% had been incarcerated previously. Of the violent offenders, 32% had no prior convictions, 19% had one, 12% had two, and 36% had three or more prior convictions. Twenty-three percent of violent offenders had been incarcerated before. The lengths of sentences of the inmates are shown in the chart below.
Sentence Length of Inmates Admitted to SCDC in FY98

Source: S.C. Department of Corrections.
Fourteen percent of violent criminals are committed for sentences of 20 years or more: 53% of murderers, 10% of rapists, 13% of robbers, and 2% of persons convicted of aggravated assault. Three percent of non-violent criminals are committed for 20 years or more, 25% for 5 to 20 years, and 71% for 5 years or less. Ninety percent of inmates are male. Overall, 30% are White and 70% African-American and Others. White males constitute 27% of all inmates, while African-American males make up 63% of inmates.
As a result of so many crimes and so much legal sanction, large numbers of young adult males and especially minority males are either under the jurisdiction of the criminal justice system or have a criminal record. On June 30, 1998, over 14% of African-American and Other male and over 3% of White male young adults were under the supervision of the criminal justice system; i.e., incarcerated, paroled, or on probation. It is likely that at least two or three times as many young men had a criminal record by the end of young adulthood.
Young Adults in the Criminal Justice System
| WM | WF | AA&OM | AA&OF | Total % | Total # | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 18-19 | 3.0% | 0.3% | 9.1% | 0.6% | 3.0% | 3,272 |
| 20-24 | 3.6% | 0.5% | 16.1% | 1.2% | 4.3% | 11,418 |
| 25-29 | 3.2% | 0.6% | 15.3% | 1.7% | 3.9% | 10,906 |
| 30-34 | 3.2% | 0.7% | 13.5% | 1.7% | 3.5% | 10,088 |
| Total 18-34 | 3.3% | 0.5% | 14.2% | 1.4% | 3.8% | 35,685 |
| Federal Prisons | 0.02% | 0.004% | 0.34% | 0.01% | 0.06% | 610 |
| State Prisons & Jails | 0.97% | 0.076% | 6.05% | 0.31% | 1.37% | 12,905 |
| Probation & Parole | 2.30% | 0.468% | 7.77% | 1.07% | 2.35% | 22,170> |
Data is for June 30, 1998; shown as percentage of age/race/sex groups.
Sources: Federal Bureau of Prisons, S.C. Department of Corrections, S.C. Department of Probation, Parole and Pardon.